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Welcome

Welcome to the blog of the European Consortium for Political Research Standing Group on Political Violence. In this blog you will find timely articles and commentary, research news, job opportunities and other information relevant to scholars with an interest in understanding political violence.

Call for Papers below. Note the imminent deadline of 30 September:

Handa Graduate Conference on Terrorism and Political Violence

 The Future of Terrorism Studies

 4 & 5 December 2014, Handa Centre for the Study of Terrorism and Political Violence (CSTPV), University of St Andrews, Scotland.

 Deadline for proposals: 30 September 2014

Contact: cstpvgc@st-andrews.ac.uk

The Handa Centre for the Study of Terrorism and Political Violence is delighted to invite you to a two day conference in December to explore and discuss the future of terrorism and political violence and the future study of these phenomenon. CSTPV was the first such research centre to be established in Europe. This year we celebrate the 20th anniversary of its foundation. This graduate conference seeks to facilitate dialogue between research students from a variety of disciplines whose work focuses on aspects of terrorism and political violence.

All abstracts (limited to 500 words) on the broad theme of ‘The Future of Terrorism Studies’ will be considered. We particularly welcome submissions on such topics as:

  • The changing nature of Islamic fundamentalist terrorism
  • The death or perseverance of ethno-nationalist terrorism
  • New technologies of terrorism and counter-terrorism
  • The role of history and historiography for the study of political violence
  • Changing discourses on political violence in the media and the arts

Research Postgraduates and PhD candidates are invited to send abstracts of no more than 500 words to cstpvgc@st-andrews.ac.uk by 30 September 2014. Please include name, email, and institutional affiliation.

For more information, visit our conference website: cstpvgradconf.wordpress.com

Information below about a major new European research project:

Print“Funded under the European Union’s Seventh Framework Programme (FP7), the 3-year, €2.9 million PRIME Project kicked off at the UCL Department of Security and Crime Science in June 2014. Bringing together researchers from six leading European institutions (University College London, Kings College London, University of Warsaw, University of Leiden, Hebrew University Jerusalem, and University of Aarhus), PRIME sets out to improve our understanding of lone actor terrorism and to inform the design of social and physical counter-measures for the prevention of radicalisation, the disruption of terrorist plots, and the mitigation of terrorist attacks carried out by lone extremists. In this endeavour, PRIME adopts an innovative multidisciplinary approach, which combines formal modelling techniques drawn from security engineering with relevant expertise from the ecological, social, behavioural and criminological sciences. The end-product will be a decision-support tool for end-users whose remit is to deal with the lone actor terrorism threat at the local, national or international level.

We are keen to involve end-users and subject matter experts at every stage of the PRIME Project. If you would like to take part in our validation activities or be kept appraised of our findings, please contact the Project Coordinator, Dr Noémie Bouhana, to express your interest (n.bouhana@ucl.ac.uk).”

On August 9, police in Ferguson, a suburb of St Louis, shot an 18-year-old unarmed black youth, setting of a spate of riots in the neighborhood. The scenario was all too common, history repeating itself as tragedy in an eerie echo of the riots of the 1960s, and yet modern, an episodic response to the increasing militarization of policing in poor stigmatized minority neighborhoods.

Michael Brown had just graduated high school, and against the odds in his neighborhood was getting ready for college. His mother had worked hard to make sure Michael studied and succeeded in life. His hands were raised in the air when the police shot him, and then while Michael was on the ground and wounded the police officer delivered the fatal blow.

Ferguson is two-thirds black and the police force is, with the exception of three officers, entirely white, a racial disproportion common to those cities that exploded in the 1960s, and in European cities that have burned in the past decade. The other ingredients of a riot-prone city are a white administration and municipal authorities that are impervious to demands of minorities, where, as Stanley Lieberson and Arnold Silverman noted in their prescient 1965 study, “grievances cannot be resolved, or resolved under the existing institutional arrangements . . . such that a disadvantaged segment is unable to obtain recognition of its interests and concerns through normal political channels.” Most riots occur during a period of escalating police violence, often provoked by political candidates who win elections by playing to racial fears—in modern times disguised as wars on crime, drugs, immigration, or terrorism, or some combination of the above.

For stigmatized racial and ethnic minorities, no feature of a racially divided society is a more potent symbol of racial domination or instills the message of subjugation more forcefully than police. When police use violence against stigmatized minorities, especially when police kill minority youth with impunity, it sends the message to a community that their lives are not valued and the state does not represent them. It will not even restrain its own police forces from killing your children.

A community organizer in the Parisian suburb of Clichy-sous-Bois, a neighborhood that burst into flames in 2005 after three minority youth were chased by police into an electric grid and abandoned to the death of two of them, vividly captured the motivations of rioting youths: “It was like they were externalizing their internal explosions. Some kids in pain cut themselves. These kids, instead of cutting themselves, set things on fire. It was like getting rid of all this pain inside and throwing it outside.”

Yet, while police violence against residents of poor minority neighborhoods is almost ubiquitous, riots are rare. They erupt only when all other avenues to justice are blocked, when residents feel impotent in the face of ongoing police violence. As the Federal Communications Commissioner Nicholas Johnson noted of the 1968 riots in Washington, DC, “A riot is somebody talking. A riot is a man crying out, ‘Listen to me mister. There’s something I’ve been trying to tell you and you are not listening.’’’

The opening of alternative paths to pursue justice, no matter how limited, makes riots unlikely. President Johnson’s Great Society programs in the late 1960s allowed cities to hire minority youth who cut their teeth on the great race riots as peacekeepers. The youths soon used their newly hewn organizational skills to create local black, Puerto Rican, and Chicano power organizations. By the 1980s they had become community activists, creating an array of community-based organizations and a standard nonviolent repertoire for dealing with police violence that included using the opening of access to the courts for minority plaintiffs. While victims of police abuse seldom win criminal convictions, they can appeal for federal intervention on civil rights grounds and sue in civil courts. Although families and communities want justice, not money, long legal processes exhaust everyone involved: community anger is channeled into the courts and off the streets.

In Ferguson, where police behave like paramilitary units, even such limited measures are unavailable, as Washington Post and Huffington Post reporters, Wesley Lowery and Ryan J. Reilly learned from experience this week after being pushed into a soda machine and glass wall at McDonalds and arrested for “not packing their bags quickly enough.” But settling police violence claims with taxpayer money is not a cost-effective method for preventing riots either. Holding violent police accountable is far more effective, as is shifting the incentive structure and system of rewards and punishment for police. Other forms of police/minority relations are possible. Residents of minority neighborhoods are much more likely to be victims of crime than predators. These communities need police, but they want police to protect them, not treat them as criminals. For police, too, it is safer and more effective to work in a community that trusts them and is willing to give them critical information.

In the 1968 National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders, more commonly known as the Kerner Commision Report, investigators found that those who had participated in the riots listed police violence as their number one complaint. Now, more than 45 years later, too little has changed.

+ + +

Cathy Lisa Schneider is Associate Professor in the School of International Service at American University. Police Power and Race Riots: Urban Unrest in Paris and New York is available now. Read her author Q&A about the book here.

This post was previously published for the Penn Press Log (http://pennpress.typepad.com/pennpresslog/2014/08/externalizing-internal-explosions.html)

COSMOS TALKS

COSMOS TALKS
Center on Social Movements Studies
EUI/SNS
Villa Pagliaiuola 17-19, San Domenico, Firenze
Phone (+39) 0554685700

Seminar Room (First Floor)

Organized by Lorenzo Bosi, Donatella Della Porta and Alice Mattoni

The COSMOS Talks are public discussions on cutting edge contentious politics research from across various theoretical, methodological and disciplinary traditions. They aim to provide feedback on preliminary results of current research projects, future research projects proposals and drafts of forthcoming papers, articles and book chapters. The COSMOS Talks also aim at improving synergies and networking among researchers from the COSMOS community as well as from other universities.
Scholars and researchers interested in discussing their work at one of the slots of COSMOS Talks should send an abstract to Lorenzo Bosi (talks organizer), preferably by the end of September. A program will be then circulated. We ask presenters to send a paper (of no more than 30 pages) to Lorenzo Bosi, no later than a week before the scheduled talk. Each session lasts for two hours. Paper givers are given maximum 20 minutes to introduce their works. Preselected discussants are given about 10 minutes each to give constructive feedback. The floor will then be open to the public. All participants are asked to read the paper in advance.

The COSMOS Talks will take place (preferably) on Wednesdays, 13:30 -15:30.

To be added to the COSMOS Talks listserv e-mail Lorenzo Bosi (Lorenzo.bosi@eui.eu).

Niall Ó Dochartaigh, School of Political Science and Sociology, National University of Ireland Galway. http://niallodoc.wordpress.com
Wikimedia CommonsRebellion or terrorism? Civil war or international conflict? Contentious politics or political violence? The study of political violence has been organised around a number of binary distinctions that help to define disciplinary boundaries and provide the conceptual infrastructure for databases of war and conflict. Intra-state conflict is distinguished from the international, as in Stathis Kalyvas’s definition of civil war as essentially internal (Kalyvas 2006). Terrorism is contrasted with rebellion, revolution, insurgency or guerrilla warfare, most recently in the case of Syria where many commentators insist on distinguishing between terrorists and insurgents: ‘terrorist’ being applied to Islamists but not to rebels who enjoy western support or sympathy. Finally, the violent repertoires of contentious politics (including public protest, riots and street-fighting) are distinguished from organised political violence. The latter is characterised by scholars such as Brubaker and Laitin (1998: 427) and Kalyvas (2006) as a distinctive phenomenon that needs to be analysed in its own right rather than being submerged in the broader study of contentious politics.

One of the reasons why the current escalating violence in the Ukraine is so unpredictable however is precisely because of the softness of the boundaries between those categories of internal and external, terrorism and insurgency, protest and organised violence. It is not only that the boundaries shift but that the struggle by the key parties to impose their favoured definitions and terminology is of direct strategic importance. The typologies are part of the conflict.

Russia, for example, has characterised the takeover of public buildings and the actions of armed combatants in eastern Ukraine as an essentially domestic, indigenous phenomenon within Ukraine in order to legitimise this use of force. Ukraine on the other hand has emphasized that these actions are illegitimate precisely on the basis that they are externally driven and manipulated. Both parties have a direct political interest in whether this is characterised as internal or international. While we might formally classify the confrontation as an internal one until and unless Russian combat units intervene openly and directly in eastern Ukraine, it seems like a very narrow technical distinction given the decisive shaping force exerted by the very presence of those troops on the border.

The question of whether this conflict is a rebellion, insurgency, popular protest or terrorism is similarly bound up with the struggle for political advantage. The fact that both parties seek energetically to label their opponents as terrorists is ample evidence, if more was needed, of just how politically charged the term is. If you can successfully label an armed challenger as ‘terrorist’ it brings significant and immediate advantages. It is hard to see how such an inherently condemnatory term can be analytically deployed without becoming hopelessly entangled in the disputes over the mutually exclusive claims to political legitimacy made by the key parties.

Events in Ukraine call into question too the distinction between protest and violence. Both in the Maidan and in eastern Ukraine there has been a complex and shifting relationship between organised protest, riot and the use of armed force that highlights the intertwined and inter-dependent character of public protest and armed action.

The remarkably swift takeover of Crimea by Russian troops serves as a valuable reminder too that an extraordinarily powerful deployment of force for political ends may involve very few acts of direct violence. As Thomas Schelling pointed out nearly half a century ago, capacity for violence can be used to powerful effect without violence being enacted: “…the power to hurt is most successful when it is kept in reserve… It is latent violence that can influence someone’s choice – violence that can still be withheld or inflicted, or that a victim believes can be withheld or inflicted” (Schelling 1966: 3). What does it mean then to distinguish between peaceful and violent methods when the exertion of power through the demonstration of capacity for devastating violence is ostensibly ‘peaceful’? How can the exertion of power through the threat of massive violence be captured if we measure violence in terms of numbers killed or injured?

I am not arguing here that Ukraine is exceptional. On the contrary, I am arguing that it highlights particularly starkly the weaknesses of the binary distinctions that are deployed to analyse violent conflict everywhere. What to do then? One approach that might help us to problematize these contested categories is to think more systematically about political violence in terms of the intersection between physical force, political legitimacy and territorial control and to investigate the way in which binary distinctions between inside and out, terror and war, protest and violence are intertwined with the struggle to assert political legitimacy and a monopoly of violence within a territory.

 

References

Brubaker, Rogers and Laitin, David. 1998. Ethnic and Nationalist Violence. Annual Review of Sociology 24 (1): 423-452.

Kalyvas, Stathis N. 2006. The Logic of Violence in Civil War. Cambridge ; New York: Cambridge University Press.

Schelling, Thomas C. 1966. Arms and Influence. New Haven: Yale University Press.

Call for Papers
INAUGURAL VOX-POL CONFERENCE: ‘VIOLENT ONLINE POLITICAL EXTREMISM: SETTING A RESEARCH AGENDA’

WHEN: August 28 – August 29, 2014
WHERE: King’s College London

The VOX-Pol Network of Excellence (NoE) is an EU-funded academic research network focused on researching the prevalence, contours, functions, and impacts of Violent Online Political Extremism and responses to it.

The inaugural VOX-Pol conference will be held at King’s College London on 28-29 August 2014, and will feature panels and papers describing and discussing cutting-edge research on violent extremism and the Internet, and addressing frontiers in social science methodologies for this research.

Perspectives from any academic discipline are welcome, particularly: communications, computer science, cultural studies, information science, international relations, internet studies, law, media studies, philosophy, political science, psychology, and sociology.

The following topics are of particular interest:
–            Online radicalisation;

-            The Internet and recruitment into violent political extremist groups;

-            Methodologies for terrorism-related Internet research;

-            Network analysis and violent online political extremism;

-            The content and functioning of violent political extremist Internet forums;

-            The role of video in violent online political extremism;

-            Children/youth, violent extremism, and new media;

-            Women/gender, violent extremism, and new media;

-           Sexual orientation, violent extremism and new media;

-           Case studies of particular groups’ use of new media (e.g. al-Qaeda and related, FARC, Hamas, Hizbollah, dissident Irish Republicans, Neo-Nazis, etc.);

-           Case studies of the manifestation(s) and workings of violent political extremism on specific online platforms (e.g. Facebook, Flickr, Twitter, YouTube, etc.);

-            Policy/legislative responses to violent online political extremism;

-            Critical responses to research on, reporting of, and governmental responses to the conjunction of violent extremism and the Internet;

-           Ethical issues surrounding online extremism-related research.

We welcome papers or panel proposals in all these areas, particularly where they report significant new results. Innovative methodological papers are especially welcome.

Authors of individual papers should submit a 300-word abstract at our proposal submission page, https://www.easychair.org/conferences/?conf=vope2014 by 16 May 2014. Panel proposals should include a 200-word abstract and confirmed list of min. 3 panelists.

A selection of papers will be considered for publication in the journals Policy and Internet, and Perspectives on Terrorism.

Deadlines
–          Abstract deadline: 300 words to be submitted by 16 May 2014

-          Registration: from 16 June 2014

-          Decision on abstracts: 16 June 2014

-          Registration Deadline: 14 August 2014 – no on-site registration

-          Early bird registration deadline: 13 July 2014

Travel Funding
The conference organisers are able to provide a number of travel grants for PhD students, early career researchers, end-users, and colleagues from the developing world. Support may be requested for registration fees, transportation, and accommodation. Further details will be provided when decisions are made on selected papers.

For more information, visit http://www.voxpol.eu; for conference-related queries, email conference@voxpol.eu.

political violence in times of crisis

Section 7: Citizens’ Resilience in Times of Crisis

Section Chair: Marco Giugni (University of Geneva) Section Co-Chair: Maria Grasso (University of Sheffield)

Panel 3: Political Violence in Times of Economic Crisis

Panel Chair: Lorenzo Zamponi (European University Institute) Panel Co-Chair: Lorenzo Bosi (European University Institute)

The goal of this panel is to advance the understanding of political violence in times of economic crisis. In order to do this we are concerned with addressing the following interrelated research questions: How do violent repertoires of contention relate to the context of economic crisis? Does economic hardship provide incentives to the use of violent tactics? Which forms of political violence are most widely used in this context? Why, and with which outcomes? How does the context of economic crisis impact on the level of socially tolerated violence and on the individuals’ availability to certain tactics? Which kind of justification of political violence is pursued in times of economic crisis? Which political groups are more likely to turn to violence in this context? How do security forces react to political violence in time of crisis? We welcome submissions coming from different disciplinary fields, in the attempt to bridge the scholarship on political violence with the empirical analysis of the social outcomes of the economic crisis. Each abstract will be evaluated for: quality and clarity of the research question; methodological precision in the comparative approach; theoretically original contribution and discussion of available knowledge; relevance and pertinence to the workshop’s themes.

Paper: Dynamics of neo-Fascist protest in Italy in times of crisis

Paper Presenter: Matteo Albanese (Universidade de Lisboa Instituto de Ciencias Sociais) Paper Author(s): Pietro Castelli Gattinara (European University Institute) and Caterina Froio (European University Institute)

Despite widespread public attention to the risks of right-wing extremism on the eve of the European Parliament elections, very little is known about the dynamics of extreme right protest at the times of the economic crisis. By mapping the repertoires of action of Italian neo-Fascist movements and parties over the last 10 years, this paper investigates how the economic crisis has changed their mobilization strategies. To what extent have protest actions radicalized since the beginning of the crisis in 2008? What is the role of the economic crisis in the public discourse of the extreme right in Italy? With the aim of filling the gap in academic research on the social movement activism of the extreme right, this paper disentangles the conceptualization of the crisis in extreme right discourse and investigates the use of violent repertoires by CasaPound, Forza Nuova, Fiamma Tricolore and La Destra.

Paper: Radical anti-fascism in Europe – a comparative analysis

Paper Author(s): Jan Jämte (Södertörn University)

The economic crisis has brought with it an upsurge in extreme right activities, heightening the level of political tension in Europe. In response, anti-fascist movements are mobilizing. Among these we find a radical flank, often consisting of anarchists or autonomists, which combine a materialist analysis of fascism – viewing it as the outermost expression of structural problems deeply rooted at the heart of society – with the use of militant, direct action. By comparing radical anti-fascist groups in Sweden, Denmark, Poland, Germany and Russia this paper aims to provide a deeper understanding of this radical milieu and it’s role in the protests related to the economic crisis. Combining the framing perspective and the political opportunity-approach, the paper analyze whether differences in the activists’ collective action frames and repertories of action can be explained by cross-country differences in opportunity structures, including the development of the extreme right in each country.

Paper: Revolutionary Violence and Economic Crisis in Greece (2010-2014)

Paper Author(s): Sotirios Karampampas (University of Sheffield)
This paper aims to explore the relationship of revolutionary violence and the economic crisis in Greece, since the beginning of the latter in 2010 and up to the present day. Indeed, the recent years have seen the rise of political violence and extremism as a whole, from both sides of the political spectrum. Notwithstanding, this paper will focus on the political violence of revolutionary groups in Greece, and will examine its association, if any, with the economic crisis and the harsh austerity measures that it caused. The primary method for tracing the links between the two phenomena will be the discourse analysis of the revolutionary groups’ communiques. Particularly, through reflecting on the political and economic developments in the country, this analysis will try to identify how, if at all, the economic crisis affected the repertoire of contention, the incentives, and the justifications of revolutionary groups in Greece.

Paper: Riots and other forms of Ethnic Protest during periods of crisis

Paper Author(s): Cathy Schneider (American University)

In the 1960s, during a period of strong economic growth, hundreds of American cities burned. Similarly, across the Atlantic in 2005 riots tore through France in 2005. Yet in the wake of the worst economic crisis since the great depression, poor minority neighborhoods in the United States and most of Europe have been quiet. Only in California, Great Britain and Sweden have minority residents engaged in violent confrontation with police. What explains these very different repertoires of collective action, among those most hard hit by the economic crisis? Misery just disheartens. Three factors explain the location, timing and collective action repertoires of poor minorities: 1)

the activation of racial boundaries; 2) the violent policing of those boundaries; and 3) the availability of standard, successful, nonviolent repertoires.

Paper: Riots as ballet: Socially legitimate mass political violence and multi-partite informal negotiations in the Greek political scene

Paper Author(s): Markos Vogiatzoglou (European University Institute)

Greece has traditionally been characterized by a relatively high level of mass political violence. Commonly, two actors are identified as playing a key role in a riotous incident: the rioters themselves and the police. With regard to Greece, the behavior of both actors, although dynamic in the long-term, is characterized, in the short-term, by high levels of repetitiveness and predictability: the vast majority of violent occurrences are carefully choreographed. What I argue hereby, is that a, socially defined, fixed level of legitimate mass political violence, can be identified at any given point of time. This level is dynamic in the long-term and configured through a constant and intensive informal negotiation between the State, the organized violent demonstrators, the non-organized ones, the peaceful protesters and the public opinion.

 

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